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Thursday, 5 December 2024

Not A Miracle and Not An Empty Land

 




What is the definition of a miracle? For many people today this word has been watered down to basically mean anything cool that happened in their favour. But the word has a much more technical and specific meaning than this. As The online dictionary notes, a miracle is “an extraordinary and welcome event that is not explicable by natural or scientific laws and is therefore attributed to a divine agency: "the miracle of rising from the grave."[1] By this definition the re-establishment of the nation of Israel is not even close to being able to be claimed as a miracle. It can be explained by thoroughly natural and "scientific" means. It is no more difficult to explain than the establishment of the colony of Botany Bay. In fact, it had overlapping interests with just such a colony, as both were established by the British Empire which had its own imperial ends in mind.

It would not even qualify for the second definition of miracle, “a remarkable event or development that brings very welcome consequences: "it was a miracle that more people hadn't been killed" · "industries at the heart of the economic miracle."[2] Because it has not brought very welcome consequences, and it is not a remarkable, in the sense of unique, event. The fall of the Ottoman Empire saw many ancient peoples rise up in the Middle East and claim both their national sovereignty and their national identity, and none of those nations had more international money and backing than the nation of Israel. In that sense, it is the least remarkable of the bunch, because it was given the most outside help to succeed. The 19th and early 20th centuries were the era of rising nationalism, and we saw the forging of many such small nations across the world out of the ruins of once great empires, many did not get such generous aid.

What is remarkable though is just how un-Christian this event was, even though many Christians celebrate it as a fulfilment of prophecy and therefore a miracle. How many Christians are aware of how much the establishment of Israel was supported and enacted by the socialists that many Christians rightly see as the antithesis of their faith? Pappe notes, about the affiliation between Jewish social groups and English socialists,

“The affiliation bore fruit very quickly; in the very same year the group achieved a real coup: the Labour Party Conference voted unanimously in favour of the resolution, 'Palestine for the Jews'. It was proposed by Jacob Pomeranz, the secretary of Poale Zion.[3] The following year, a similar resolution, proposed once again by a Poale Zion delegate, was carried unanimously once more. And when Labour first took office in 1924, the secretary for the colonies, James Henry Thomas, a completely unapologetic imperialist, told the House of Commons that  the government had determined 'after careful consideration of all circumstances, to adhere to the policy of giving effect to the Balfour Declaration.' Labour supported the League of Nations' Mandate that gave Britain control of Palestine and was wholeheartedly committed to the establishment of 'a Jewish autonomous Commonwealth' in the country. The wishes of the Arab population, both Muslim and Christian, counted for nothing. There was to be no self-determination for the Palestinian people. But the Palestinians began to make their voices heard, even if they were ignored in London.”[4]

Paole Zion was a socialist group. 

How many Christians who doggedly say that the recreation of the state of Israel was a miracle, are aware of the fact that socialists of many sorts were largely responsible for getting the Mandate for a “Jewish Zion” established? And that they did this explicitly with no care at all for what the Christians in Palestine thought about the matter? How many Christians know this fact? They completely disregarded any Christian considerations. How many miracles in the Bible are you aware of that God did for unbelievers against his own faithful people? God does miracles for all sorts of people, but not for unbelievers against believers. This would undermine the very basis of understanding what a miracle was. A miracle is often the divine favour of God on his people in the midst of earthly trials. His people are those who call on his name and believe in him. To what degree can this apply to Jewish and Gentile socialists who were unbelievers, many of whom bordered on being communists and in some cases actually were communist?

I will come back to this in some later posts, because I think once you understand the process through which Israel was re-established you can only conclude that it was not only not miraculous, it is an example of the manipulation of state craft at it most revealing.

But what is also interesting is that another myth, the idea that there are no Palestinians and that the land was just there to be taken, is so blatantly historically wrong. It is actually quite embarrassing that there are Christians that assert this idea. I find this embarrassing, because it has often been levelled at Christians that we just simply deny reality and plain observable facts, and I have spent much of my life arguing that we do not. But on the issue of Palestine many Christians observably do deny what actually happened, and will even make such proclamations from public platforms and not be even a little embarrassed by telling what are actual, demonstratable and provable lies.

Just look at what Pappe notes about the Palestinian resistance to the establishment of a Jewish Zion, from the very moment that the British announced their intentions to create it,  

“PALESTINE RESISTS

On the first anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, Palestinians demonstrated in large numbers all over Palestine against it. From that moment onwards, a consolidated Palestinian national movement led by younger generation of urban professionals and intellectuals, alongside traditional heads of rural and urban clans, commenced an anti-colonialist struggle. For nine years, 1920-1929, their activity consisted of petitions, and participation in negotiations with the British government, while building a democratic political structure, where parties could elect their representatives to an annual national conference. The consensual position was clear: total rejection of the Balfour Declaration, and opposition to Jewish emigration to Palestine, the Zionist purchase of land and colonisation. They demanded that Britain adhere to twin principles, on the basis of which the West had promised to build a new world after the First World War. The first was democracy and the second was the right of self-determination. The Palestinian leaders felt that while these principles were respected in Palestine's neighbouring countries, such as Lebanon, Syria and Egypt, they were not implemented in Palestine.

Matters came to a head in April 1920 in Palestine following several provocations on the part of the British government and the Zionists including the dismissal of the Palestinian mayor of Jerusalem and the installation of a Zionist deputy mayor. On 4 April, Palestinians congregating for the Nabi Musa festival started rioting and ransacked the Jewish quarter of Jerusalem. In 1921, there were riots in Jaffa and Penh Tikva, driven by the widespread feeling that the British administration prioritised Zionist interests over the interests of all Palestinian inhabitants.

An uneasy peace followed for a few years until violence erupted again in 1929, triggered by a large Zionist demonstration at the site Of the Western Wall - where the Prophet Muhammad tied up his mythological steed Al-Buraq before he ascended to Paradise in the Muslim tradition, and the wall of the Temple in the Jewish tradition. Palestinian Muslims retaliated and by late August 1929, there were confrontations across Palestine, including Jerusalem, Safed and Hebron.

But this uprising wasn't just about a holy site. More than a decade after British rule began in Palestine, local society could feel the negative impact of the Zionisation of the country: workers were driven out of the labour market and farmers were evicted or forced to emigrate to towns where makeshift slums began to appear. They either lost their land when it was sold by their landlords to the Zionist movement or had to seek a new future due to poverty in the countryside, caused both by Zionist settlements there and by British disinclination to invest in rural areas. About 8,000 Palestinians were evicted in these early stages and thirteen villages were depopulated.

The eruption of violence on a large scale in Palestine in 1929 led to a rethink in London about British policy towards the country. The land without people, which was how Palestine was perceived by Zionist leaders and those supporting the colonisation of Palestine, turned out to be full of people who categorically rejected the transformation of their homeland into a Jewish state and were even willing to engage in an armed struggle against the endeavour...

...The rethink was informed by a royal commission of inquiry headed by Lord Shaw, which in 1930 recommended severe limitation on Jewish immigration and an end to Zionist purchase of lands, and suggested that Britain would help build a state that respected the Palestinian majority in the land. This was a total U-turn from the Balfour Declaration and it became a White Paper, authored by Sidney Webb, now secretary of state for the colonies. Another inquiry, the Hope-Simpson commission, also affirmed its support for a reorientation of British policy in Palestine.”[5]

Of course, this reversal of British policy in response to Palestinian resistance was again itself reversed. The British Mandate went on to strongly favour a Jewish Palestine. However, the point still stands that the rising up of a national Palestinian resistance against conquest of their land by Britain and European Jewish immigration shows that the land was not empty and that the Palestinian national identity existed long before 1948.

Some people might say, even if it existed as early as 1920, or 1890, or thereabouts, that is still much too modern a time for it to be considered with any serious weight in the face of an ancient nation like the Jewish people. However, you must understand that though the formation of nations often happens at the collapse of empires, this knowledge of a shared identity long predates the fall of those empires. It is just not until those empires fall that the people can do much about it. 

Mixed empires fall apart and become nations. Areas that were once provinces become national boundary markers. Brittanica and Germania became Briton and Germany, as did many other Roman provinces become nations made up of the dominant people group who lived in their respective regions. The same is true for Palestine. The same is indeed true for Israel, as well though. Both these nations rose up at the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and based their establishment in part on pre-existing peoples and connections to the region.

Prior to the 19th century there was no influential movement to re-establish Israel as a Jewish nation, and certainly not in Palestine. The nationalism of Jews was awakened in emphasis at the same time that the nationalism of many other countries was. And it is for these reasons that we should see the establishment of the modern nation of Israel through a geo-political lens, not a prophetic lens. It is a result of the same call of nationalism that was being fostered across the world. Indeed, this emphasis on nationalism and self-determination was actually stoked by the British and Americans in particular, and promised to the people of the Middle East, and in fact the whole world, in the wake of World War 1. To turn around and then deny this to some people groups makes dishonest men of all who say they believe in self-determination.

In Palestine/Israel we have two nations in conflict, both with long standing claims on the land, both with religious claims to ownership, and both who have been willing to fight for the land. At this point the Israelites are largely victorious, they have conquered much of the land by conquest. But as with all other conquests of lands in history, the people who have been conquered don’t just disappear, and in Palestine the conquered have made their presence known and felt since the conquest begun. A true miracle would be for these peoples to live in peace in this land together. That we could not explain with human reasoning and science. What we have seen happen is exactly what we would expect to happen if two nations sought to fight over the same land. It is not miraculous, or remarkable, it is the way of nations throughout history, and we will likely see it many times again before the Lord returns.

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